The U.S. Supreme Court made the Right Decision When It Upheld the Ministerial Exception

Since the U.S. Supreme Court issued its unanimous decision in Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC on January 11, 2012, there has been a lot of discussion regarding whether the court did the right thing when it upheld the ministerial exception and denied jurisdiction in a case involving the termination of a ministerial employee. For reasons outlined below, I believe the Court made the right, albeit difficult, decision.

This was the case of the parochial school teacher who in addition to teaching on secular subjects also performed religious functions, Chery Perich, who was fired for threatening to file a lawsuit under the Americans with Disaiblities Act when she was not given her job back after returning from medical leave.  The religious employer argued that it was against its religious beliefs for a minister to sue the church, and that these things had to be handled within the church structure.

The issue presented before the Court was whether the anti-retaliation prohibition of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) could be constitutionally applied to a religious association’s retaliatory firing of a parochial school teacher who taught secular subjects and also performed religious functions and was designated a commissioned minister.

The Supreme Court found that the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment bar ministers from bringing lawsuits against their churches in which the ministers claim violation of employment discrimination laws. In this case, the Court found that Perich was a minister within the meaning of the ministerial exception, and therefore the First Amendment required dismissal of her employment discrimination suit against her religious employer.

The ministerial exception gives religious institutions certain rights to control employment matters without interference from the secular courts. It does not, as the Court decision points out, affect criminal, tort, or contract law. So churches cannot use it to shield themselves from liability for criminal acts, negligent behavior leading to accidents, or breach of contract.  But it does protect churches from being hauled into court for religious decisions that have been made.

Some have tried to advance the theory that Perich had not fully pursued the administrative remedies available to her in the parochial system, but that would not have changed the outcome which hinged on the threshold issue of whether the ministerial exception applied to her. If the exception applied, the Court lacked jurisdiction.

Another misconception is that the Hosanna-Tabor decision somehow establishes the ministerial exception and adds something new. In reality, Congress specifically built an exception for religious organizations into Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VII was enacted by Congress to prohibit employment discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. (42 U.S. C. §§ 2000e-2(a)). Under the statutory exception, religious employers could prefer members of their own faith in making their hiring decisions.

The actual ministerial exception was born in 1972, when, in McClure v. Salvation Army, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit refused to hear a female minister’s gender discrimination claim. The court found that applying the provisions of Title VII to the employment relationship existing between a church and its ministers would therefore “cause the State to intrude upon matters of church administration and government” which would “result in an encroachment by the State into an area of religious freedom.”

The way it works is that courts in most Circuits rely upon a role-based or “primary duties test” to determine whether an employee is a minister within the exception, and whether or he she can bring suit under Title VII. Several circuits have adopted an approach that religious institutions should be able to choose who will perform certain spiritual functions. The first approach focuses on the employment relationship, while the second focuses on the right of churches to exercise their beliefs more freely.

Perich was, in many ways, the perfect “poster child” to challenge the ministerial exception. The case clearly involved a non-religious issue and for all the world, it looked like the church was looking for a way to fire her in a way that would be against public policy as applied to secular organizations and still avoid being hauled into court for violating the Americans with Disabilities Act.

In fact, the EEOC, the ACLU, and Americans United for Separation of Church and State (“AU”) rallied to Perich’s side. In its brief, AU argued that the ministerial exception did not entitle religious entities to discriminate or retaliate for reasons unrelated to religion, and that courts should determine whether an asserted religious justification for an action is pretextual.

In short, a church would therefore need to pass a two-prong test – first, it would have to demonstrate that its discriminatory rule was related to its religious beliefs; second, it would need to demonstrate that its action was not “pretextual.”

The AU brief gave some examples of what it meant to litigate on issues of discrimination that were not particularly related to a church’s doctrine. For instance, a Catholic Church could not be forced to hire a female priest, but an otherwise egalitarian church would not be permitted to fire a Sunday-school teacher when the pastor had a purely personal belief that “women should not work outside the home.”  The examples continued for several pages, permitting organizations to make discriminatory doctrinal rulings but not permitting local churches from acting in contrast to non-discriminatory denominational policies or practice.

Applying an Employment Division v. Smith style argument, AU argued that generally applicable employment laws should apply to churches unless there is a need to safeguard a constitutional right. Why they would appeal to this analysis is particularly curious. The Smith decision created a major problem for free exercise of religion by subjecting religious minorities to the rule of the majority even if it goes against the minority’s religious beliefs. (One can hope that the Court, in the near future, might see the wisdom of applying the Hosanna-Tabor analysis to individual religious liberty rights and re-establishing the Free Exercise Clause that was compromised in Smith.)

The AU brief is helpful in that it provides a concrete example of the depth to which the government and courts would need evaluate in order to determine whether church employment decisions were permissible or not.

Under the approach proposed by AU, church decisions would be open to scrutiny as to whether they were doctrinal or not, and the investigators would then need to go into the minds of the decision makers to see whether such decisions were made in good faith and not merely to achieve a favorable outcome for the institution.

As people often say, bad cases often make bad law and the Supreme Court had just such an opportunity to throw away the ministerial exception in this highly sympathetic case and effectively destroy the wall of separation of church and state by allowing the state entry into the inner workings of the church. Fortunately the Court saw the bigger issues involved and made the right decision.

However by ruling the way it did, the Supreme Court protected the right of a religious organization to select its clergy without government interference and avoided placing church doctrine under government interpretation. Civil magistrates will not be in a position where they are forced to determine which religious view, that of the clergy member or the church, is correct.

Church leaders are free to choose ministers who they believe will carry their message forward.

While most religious organizations sincerely strive to provide fair and equitable treatment to all employees, this does not mean that some religious organizations will not abuse the “ministerial exception” to make poor personnel decisions that could lead to costly litigation if they were secular organizations. But organizational decision makes should realize that they will ultimately answer to a Higher Power even if these cases may not be pursued in the civil courts.

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For more information on the ministerial exception and its history, I would recommend the Charleston Law Review article by Todd Cole, “The Ministerial Exception:  Resolving the Conflict between Title VII and the First Amendment.” The article is available online at http://www.charlestonlawreview.org/archive/vol4num4/Cole.pdf

 

 

The Problem I Have With Conspiracy Theories

Conspiracy Theories - photo by iStockPhotoBy Steve Allred – At one time in my life I was a big believer in conspiracy theories. I believed that churches had been infiltrated by a secret order from another denomination and that some of the members of this order were masquerading as leaders in my church. As a teenager, I devoured comic books published by Chick Publications that fed my conspiracy theory. I spent a lot of time and mental energy imagining how evil these people were and how I would go about “outing” them and exposing their evil machinations before all the world.

I’ve learned a few things since my teenage days of obsession with conspiracy theories. First, I’ve learned that some of what I believed back then could be true. But secondly, I’ve come to the conclusion that it probably makes very little practical difference in my life or in the life of anyone else whether these conspiracy theories are actually true.

Most grand conspiracy theories are based on a great deal of speculation.

A lot of the information that these theories are based on is conjecture and only circumstantial evidence. One thing is certain, these theories are not based on the Bible, for the Bible says nothing about the Jesuits or the Illuminati and nothing about them controlling the world.

In fact, the Bible specifically tells us to avoid myths and questions that engender strife (i.e., questions about speculative issues). Paul writes, “But avoid foolish questions, and genealogies, and contentions, and strivings about the law; for they are unprofitable and vain.” (Titus 3:9, emphasis mine). “…Nor to pay attention to myths and endless genealogies, which give rise to mere speculation rather than furthering the administration of God which is by faith.” (1 Timothy 1:4). Almost every grand-scale conspiracy theory fits what these verses are talking about.

But let’s say that we could prove without a doubt that the world is controlled by the Illuminati. As a Christian, what practical difference would that make in my life or your life? Would we go into hiding? Try to assassinate those evil leaders? Do our best to expose their evil plans?

Or would we keep doing what we’re supposed to be doing anyway – loving our enemies like Jesus tells us to do, praying for evil doers and spreading the gospel?

Ultimately, grand conspiracy theories lead to an unhealthy fascination with things that are less than certain and direct our attention away from loving our enemies as Jesus told us to do.

Conspiracy theories give evil people too much credit and attribute too much power to them.

Think about it: conspiracy theories give a lot of credit to evil men, teaching that evil men – most of them 33rd degree Freemasons or members of the Illuminati – are controlling the world. Really? Is that what the Bible teaches? Not exactly.

In fact, the Bible teaches that God is the one who controls the affairs of the governments of this world; He is the one who determines who will rule the world – not a bunch of evil men.

Notice what the Bible says:

“And he changeth the times and the seasons: he removeth kings, and setteth up kings: he giveth wisdom unto the wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding…” Daniel 2:21.

“For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south. But God is the judge: he putteth down one, and setteth up another.” Psalm 75:6-7.

So the Bible says that God, not any group of evil men, is responsible for who comes to power in our world. To give evil men the credit goes directly against what the Bible teaches.

Additionally, focusing on the supposed power of a bunch of 33rd degree Masons somewhere ultimately leads us to exalt these evil men to a demigod status with power akin to that of God himself.

Conspiracy theories about the government and church leadership cause us to distrust God-appointed authorities.

Granted, some leaders are unquestionably evil. A good example is the Emperor Nero who lived during Paul’s time. Yet, do we see Paul railing on Nero’s evilness? Hardly. In fact, we hear nothing from Paul that could be construed as disrespect toward Nero. Paul had bigger fish to fry, namely the salvation of people’s souls. What Nero did was largely irrelevant to the grander scheme of things and Paul knew that.

In Romans 13 the Bible calls the civil authorities “ministers of God” appointed by Him to keep the peace. Paul also commands that Christians should respect and “honor” the authorities to the extent that we can do so without disobeying God (see Romans 13:1-7 and Acts 5:29).

Conspiracy theories teach the opposite. Instead of respecting civil authorities, conspiracy theories teach that these men should be, at the least, distrusted and that they are not the “ministers of God” but are rather the ministers of Satan. Those embracing these theories would do well to heed the example of David when his men encouraged him to take the life of King Saul in the cave (see 1 Samuel 24:10). There, instead of taking the life of the evil king who was pursuing him, David refused to lay a hand upon the “Lord’s anointed” and instead showed respect to this evil man and spared his life.

By embracing conspiracy theories Christians are led to engage in slander and bear false witness against their neighbor.

As noted above, some leaders are undeniably evil and others are open and avowed enemies of God and his people. To state these objective facts about such an individual is not slanderous. However, to speculate and say that a certain government leader is a member of the Illuminati when there is less than certain proof that such is the case is to bear false witness against that person and to slander them.

Bearing false witness against our neighbor is sin (Exodus 20:16). Furthermore, the Bible tells us to speak about things that will build each other up (“edify”) and stop speaking about the things that tear others down. “Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth, but that which is good to the use of edifying, that it may minister grace unto the hearers. And grieve not the holy Spirit of God, whereby ye are sealed unto the day of redemption. Let all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking, be put away from you, with all malice: And be ye kind one to another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ’s sake hath forgiven you.” Eph. 4:29-32.

Notice how serious of a sin in God’s sight is the sin of evil speaking – Paul tells us that we can grieve the Holy Spirit by engaging in it!

Focusing on conspiracy theories takes our eyes off of Jesus and will cause us to be deceived at the end of time.

The Bible teaches a principle of natural law: by beholding we become changed (see 2 Cor. 3:18). If we look at something long enough, if we think about an idea intently enough, that thing, person or idea begins to have an effect on us. (Think about those stories of cops tasked with infiltrating a criminal organization only to become “dirty” themselves. That which was surrounding them began to affect them). If we feast long enough on conspiracy theories and the evils they encompass there is a danger that we will become enamored with evil and take our focus off of Jesus.

Instead, we ought to be focusing on Jesus. “Behold what manner of love the Father has bestowed upon us” (1 John 3:1). ”Behold” (focus on; think about) the love of God, John says, not the bad actions of evil people in this world.

Notice what Ellen White had to say about focusing on what she calls the seductive arts of Satan:

“Give the people present truth. Talk the truth. Fill their minds with truth. Build up the strongholds of truth. And do not bring Satan’s theories to minds that should not hear in regard to them. What the people need is not a representation of the seductive arts of Satan, but a presentation of the truth as it is in Jesus. Remember that the devil can be served by a repetition of his lies. The less we handle these objectionable subjects, the purer, cleaner, and less tainted will be our minds and our principles….” Evangelism, p. 624, emphasis mine.

Finally, Ellen White notes, “Resolve never, never to repeat error, but always to teach the truth. Fill hearts and minds with the solemn, sacred truth for this time.” Evangelism, p. 623.

The end-time movement to enforce worship is a democratic movement, not top secret behind-the-scenes maneuvering by a few politicians.

Ultimately, there is one grand conspiracy theory that is true. That conspiracy theory is that Satan, the master deceiver and enemy of all that is good, is conspiring with and using sinful men to overthrow God and His people. The last book of the Bible details Satan’s titanic struggle with Christ to overthrow God’s government in the universe. That struggle will culminate in the Battle of Armageddon – the last battle between Christ and Satan. Satan will ultimately lose the war.

The Bible gives us some clues as to who Satan will use and conspire with at the end of time. First, there is the Antichrist power, a human organization, also referred to as the “Beast” in Revelation 13. Then there is a second “Beast” in Revelation 13 – referring to a nation that the devil works through to control the world at the end of time. Through both of these powers Satan will seek to defeat God and His end-time people.

Surprisingly to some, the end time movements to enact and enforce laws leading to the biblical “Mark of the Beast” will not be stealth movements based on secret conspiracies. In fact, they will be very public and enacted by a democratic society and due to the popular demand of the citizens of that society. Notice that the second beast of Revelation 13 says “to them that dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast, which had the wound by a sword, and did live.” Revelation 13:14, emphasis mine. As Ellen White notes, this action denotes a grassroots-based, democratic movement that eventually leads to the enacting of laws that result in the Mark of the Beast. (“…Rulers and legislators, in order to secure public favor, will yield to the popular demand for a law enforcing Sunday observance.” The Great Controversy, p. 592.). According to Revelation, it’s the people who are pulling the strings at the end of time – not a few evil members of the Illuminati in a smoke-filled room somewhere.

Quite contrary to this, most conspiracy theories about the end of time teach that a few evil men are plotting to spring laws on the United States or the world and that one day we will suddenly wake up to a dictatorship that has been going on all along behind the scenes without our knowledge (kind of like the Matrix?).

The Bible tells us what we need to know and do to stand through the end of time. One thing we should not be doing is closely studying into conspiracy theories that are speculative and based on theories of men. Instead, we should put on the full spiritual armor of God so that we can stand against the ultimate conspirator – the devil himself.

Notice what Paul says we should be doing so that we can “stand” in the evil day: “Finally, be strong in the Lord and in his mighty power. Put on the full armor of God, so that you can take your stand against the devil’s schemes. For our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realms. Therefore put on the full armor of God, so that when the day of evil comes, you may be able to stand your ground, and after you have done everything, to stand. Stand firm then, with the belt of truth buckled around your waist, with the breastplate of righteousness in place, and with your feet fitted with the readiness that comes from the gospel of peace. In addition to all this, take up the shield of faith, with which you can extinguish all the flaming arrows of the evil one. Take the helmet of salvation and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.” Eph. 6:10-17.

(I am indebted to a paper written by Pastor Lary Brown, president of the Sri Lanka Mission of Seventh-day Adventists, which inspired some of the thoughts expressed here).

(This article was originally published on Steve Allred’s blog in July 2011 at http://sacredconscience.wordpress.com/2011/06/05/the-problem-i-have-with-conspiracy-theories/)

Steve Allred is an associate pastor at the Sacramento Central Seventh-day Adventist Church and is finishing his law degree. He writes about liberty of conscience and social justice at www.sacredconscience.com

 

 

Paradoxical Christian? I’m a Bible-believing Christian Who Passionately Supports Church State Separation

Photo from iStockPhotoBy Steve Allred -

I have some friends who tell me that I don’t make sense when it comes to my position on separation of church and state. You see, some would call me a “fundamentalist” Christian. For example, I believe that the Bible is the inspired word of God and try to live my life by its teachings. I believe that God created the world in seven, literal, twenty-four hour days and rested on the seventh day. I believe in the virgin birth of Jesus Christ and that He is the divine Son of God. I also believe that marriage between a man and a woman is the biblical ideal and that any extra-martial sexual relationship is called sin in the Bible. Ultimately, I believe that the lifestyle that God describes in the Bible is the best and happiest way for me to live.

But here’s the rub: I also believe in keeping church and state separate. Some of my friends can’t understand why. To them, it’s a contradiction of my other beliefs. “If you believe that the Bible teaches that extra-marital sex is wrong, why don’t you believe that it should be outlawed in America?” they ask.

Because not every teaching of the Bible should necessarily be the law of the land. And because even though I may believe that living by God’s principles is the best way to live I shouldn’t want to force that lifestyle on others around me.

True, there was a time when laws of the Bible were the law of the land. In the Old Testament, the laws of God were enforced on the nation of Israel. But that was in a time when God ruled directly through kings and prophets in what we call a theocracy. By the time Jesus arrived, however, He made it clear that the theocracy was over: “My kingdom is not of this world.”, He said, “if it were, my servants would fight… but now my kingdom is not from here.” (John 18:36).

How much clearer could He be? He did make it even clearer, however, when He told us that Caesar’s (the secular government) realm and God’s (the church) realm on earth were explicitly separate: “Give unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s.” (Matthew 22:21-22). In other words, God doesn’t need Caesar’s help to do His work.

And so, while I’m a fundamentalist, I’m also a separatist. I believe that church and state ought to be separate, because Jesus told us so, in so many words.

But why?

Way back in the Garden of Eden God gave us a clue. In a perfect world, where God ruled and where there was no sin, God gave us a choice – the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil. Why the tree? Because God is love; love cannot exist without freedom to not love, therefore God must allow choice.

But just because God doesn’t want His religion forced on society doesn’t mean that there is no place for promoting morality and faith in the public marketplace. Far from it. In fact, the whole purpose of the church’s existence is to be the light of the world, the body of Christ, the salt of the earth. (Which is one reason I wholeheartedly support freedom of speech right along with separation of church and state. Yay for the First Amendment!). We are to be the voice calling out to individuals to experience a new way of life by accepting the principles of the kingdom of God. The church is the voice in the world upholding the Ten Commandments in our teachings and living them out in our own lives. We are the voice in society that teaches the truth boldly and unapologetically. And when the church fails in its job to promote obedience to God’s law in society, society begins to fall apart and the inevitable result is the reign of secularism and immorality (see, for example, The Great Controversy, p. 585-586). What should the church do then? We should repent for failing to do our divinely ordained job and pray for a revival within our midst so that we can be the light of the world once again.

Sadly, our response throughout history has been just the opposite. Instead of repenting and seeking God when society is experiencing moral decay, the church has turned to the secular government to enforce its dogmas and to “revive” society. But can laws legislating morality and religion really bring about revival? No. History tells us that laws never have brought about revival, and they never will. Only the power of the Holy Spirit, working through the church can truly bring revival. And one thing is clear: the Spirit doesn’t need the government’s help to make the church the light of the world! (In fact, it seems that in places where the government is persecuting God’s church the church shines brighter than ever).

Unfortunately, even though some Christians understand the church’s role, they still think that it is the government’s job to also be the moral conscience of society. Or they believe that the government should be just another “arm” of the church. But they’ve got it wrong. It’s the church’s job – and the church’s alone – to be Christ’s body on this earth. And the church should do its job without whining that it needs the government’s help or that it needs to use the government to do its job. In fact, the less help the government gives the church, the more glory is given to God when society is actually changed one person at a time. Because ultimately spiritual and moral change come from within – not from outward conformity to certain laws. Only God – not legislation – can transform the heart.

As I talk with my friends, I realize that my explanations still leave some unanswered questions: what kind of relationship should the church have with the government – any at all? When should the government step in and enforce “morals” on society – should it ever? The answers to these and other related questions are complex and anything but “hard and fast” and are for another discussion. Ultimately, though, we as Christians can thank God that He has made one thing exceedingly clear: our commission is to “preach the gospel to every creature.” One other thing He made clear is that the gospel of the kingdom is not to be preached by His servants fighting with the sword (earthly government) but rather, as the old Hymn “Lead on, O King Eternal” says, it is “with deeds of love and mercy” that the heavenly kingdom comes.

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Steve Allred is an associate pastor at the Sacramento Central Seventh-day Adventist Church and law student at University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law.  This article originally appeared at Pastor Allred’s blog and is reprinted here with the permission of the author.

Article18: Pakistan — Christian Flood Victims in Punjab Face Land Discrimination in Disaster Aftermath

By Martin Surridge – The bad news that comes out of Islamabad typically features either nuclear proliferation, harboring of terrorists, a military coup, or tension with India. Sadly for many of the citizens living within its borders, Pakistan is also one of the world’s most egregious violators of religious liberty.

This is Article18–RLTV’s weekly blog specifically dedicated to religious liberty issues in other countries around the world. Each week, we focus on a different nation, and the struggles facing one of its religious communities. I feel bad calling this a weekly blog when my new posts are so infrequent and rarely uploaded every week, but starting this week it will be a regular feature every seven days or so. This time our focus is once again on Pakistan, where Christians across the country continue to be persecuted, violently attacked and even discriminated against in the midst of a humanitarian disaster zone.

Earlier this year, back in January, Article18 profiled Pakistan, focusing on how the fallout from Governor Taseer’s assassination disrupted efforts to eliminate discriminatory blasphemy laws. Since then little has improved for a nation still struggling to convince the world that it is not a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups. The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom designates Pakistan as one of fourteen “countries of particular concern” in regard to religious liberty violations. This is not the first time we have covered one of these fourteen violators and it surely won’t be the last. Each of the countries are either in Africa or Asia, but share little else in common and include a variety of religions and types of government.

Last year’s devastating floods in Pakistan were shocking to witness. The tragedy of the disaster was matched only by the tragedy of the response, from both Pakistan and the international community. It now appears that another crisis is occurring in the flood-affected Punjab region. Compass Direct News reports that “many Christians living in the southern belt of Pakistan’s Punjab Province who lost their houses in last year’s floods remain homeless despite a plan by the Punjab government to allocate land to residents in the area.” The housing problem is disproportionately affecting Christians and the provincial government, according to local resident Hameed Masih, “has not set a quota for granting of land to members of minority communities left homeless by the devastating floods.”

“Several people were allotted land last month, but so far no minority member has been given land,” Masih remarked. “Christians in this area are not rich people. They lost their houses and lands in the floods and should have been given a 5 percent quota in the scheme. Flood victims could have been easily accommodated, but the quota system has not been followed, and thus no minority member has been allotted land.”

In a fascinating report from the Baptist Press, that detailed the dramatic increase in religious tension around the world, Pakistan was one of ten countries identified as very high in hostilities involving religion. The other nine were Iraq, India, Afghanistan, Somalia, Indonesia, Nigeria, Bangladesh, Israel and Egypt. There is hope among some that the Washington’s recently approved religious liberty envoy to the region could help improve relations in Pakistan’s interfaith community, but such results could take a very long time.      

At the very least there is a serious lack of communication or break down of procedure in Pakistan, but more likely it seems there is a problem in which Christians there continue to face discrimination not just in how they worship but in all aspects of their lives.

Article18 is a weekly blog written by Martin Surridge, Associate Editor of Religious Liberty TV. Article18 logo and other artwork created by Bradley Kenyon.

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Don’t forget to check out other recent Article18 entries.

Article18: Norway — Personal Reflections on the Origin of a Tragedy

Article18: Uzbekistan — Recent Incidents of Violence Against Christians Alarm Religious Minorities

Article18: Cuba — Three Protestant Pastors Interrogated; Roman Catholic Church in Havana Helps Free 126 Prisoners of Conscience

Article18: Saudi Arabia — Prominent Saudi Cleric Hopes Women Who Violate Driving Ban Incur Wrath of God and Die

Article18: Mexico — Confirmed Presence of Major Islamic Terrorist Group Near U.S. Border; Former Killer Preaches to Violent Gangsters

Article18: Norway — Personal Reflections on the Origin of a Tragedy

By Martin Surridge – My personal experience with terrorism is not extensive but is actual nevertheless, and extends through several phases of my life. As a child I lived in East England, and North London and I remember the daily news updates of the troubles in Northern Ireland that would frequently extend into England. When I was ten years old, an IRA terrorist killed himself and injured eight others when his bomb detonated in a bus traveling in Aldwych, London.  This vehicle was decimated only twenty miles from our house in Watford and it was part of a public bus system our family used several times a year. It understandably left the residents of North London shaken, including my mother who was concerned for our safety as children when we traveled in the area. Other IRA attacks included a bombing less than an hour away from our town that killed two that same year and mortar attacks 30 mins away just three years earlier.

Exactly a decade later, almost to the day, I was traveling through Palestine with a friend from college. We were visiting Beit She’an, a Roman-era settlement, as well as Jericho and the banks of the Jordan River. As to be expected in the Holy Land, even when things are outwardly peaceful, a tension hangs in the air nearly everywhere you go. Military checkpoints had 18-year old female Israeli soldiers with sub-machine guns eye us suspiciously when we crossed into new territory. I had noticed helicopters hovering above our taxi while we were driving, but didn’t think anything of it. Then we were suddenly escorted to the side of the freeway by unmarked cars and quickly had more sub-machine guns aimed at our car by what appeared to be policemen, speaking rapidly to our driver while we sat mesmerized and terrified. As quickly as they came, they left, satisfied we posed no danger. Our driver told us they were looking for two suicide bombers in an identical van to ours on the same road at the same time. Our shock only increased when we read the newspaper the next day and saw that the suspects were in fact apprehended that day–same model of taxi-van, same freeway, same afternoon.

I have experienced the effects of terrorism in two countries, albeit not directly and fortunately not in any way that harmed me or my loved ones and for that I am thankful. One was the result of violent criminals who were White, staunchly Catholic, and Irish. The other was planned by Arab Muslims in the Middle East. For both, religion was an important motivation, but not the sole or even primary reason for their terrorism.

Like most terrorist acts, the motivation came out of a mix of socioeconomic and/or ethno-religious reasoning and such people rarely represent their community at large. If you have read this blog before, even just a couple entries, you know that we have profiled religiously motivated violence and terrorism in several countries and the aggressors are a colorful bunch–Hindus in India, communists in Cuba and China, Buddhist authorities in Thailand, as well as the aforementioned Muslims and Christians.

The horrific attack that occurred in Norway last week might be the worst terrorist attack to hit Europe in the post-9/11 era. The savage way that the acts were committed and the tragedy of so many youth being targeted makes the incident hard to comprehend. It was an alarming story for me to hear as I had camped in a similar location near Oslo some years ago, very close to where the killings took place. Many were quick to point out that the suspect is a Christian fundamentalist, an anti-Muslim terrorist, eager to erase Norway’s non-indigenous populations. There have been those on the right who are quick to ignore or brush this fact away and those on the left who see this as a way to further demonize religion, Christianity in particular.

Too many people in the news quickly blamed Muslims for the attack, speaking without any credible information in the hours before we knew the attacker’s name or motivation, leading to a CNN article on why we can’t blame the Muslims in such a situation without knowing all the information. The fact of the matter is that the demon of terrorism is one that will practice whatever religion it must to satisfy its craving for violence. Terrorism knows no religion that it can’t corrupt. Violence can find a home in any religion, any belief system, be it Muslim, Christian, or Sikh and it is not partial to any one in particular, despite the ramblings in the media. I have even had several good discussions with RLTV contributor Joshua Crouch this year about how violence and terrorism find just as comfortable a home in the lack of a religious structure, as we have seen this year in Laos, China, North Korea, and Cuba.     

As candidates for president openly admit their refusal to appoint a Muslim in their hypothetical cabinet, let us remember that the world’s one billion Muslims should not be judged on the actions of criminals, just as Christians would not want to be judged by the actions of Anders Behring Breivik in Norway.

Khalid Latif in that same article gave his readers a suggested course of action, one we often forget about in this chaotic world, “Our thoughts and prayers are with the people of Norway. May God make things easy for them and grant us all the strength and courage to stand up against those who preach intolerance and hatred, even if they look like us, align politically with us, or practice the same religion we practice.”

Article18 is a weekly blog written by Martin Surridge, Associate Editor of Religious Liberty TV. Article18 logo and other artwork created by Bradley Kenyon.

*     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *

Don’t forget to check out other recent Article18 entries.

Article18: Uzbekistan — Recent Incidents of Violence Against Christians Alarm Religious Minorities

Article18: Cuba — Three Protestant Pastors Interrogated; Roman Catholic Church in Havana Helps Free 126 Prisoners of Conscience

Article18: Saudi Arabia — Prominent Saudi Cleric Hopes Women Who Violate Driving Ban Incur Wrath of God and Die

Article18: Mexico — Confirmed Presence of Major Islamic Terrorist Group Near U.S. Border; Former Killer Preaches to Violent Gangsters

Article18: Laos — Four Christian Women Raped and Executed by Laotian Military Along Vietnam Border

 

Buying Power: Human Trafficking and the Local Marketplace

 I’m not willing to pick cocoa beans or cotton for a dollar a day, so who is? Trafficked boys on the Ivory Coast and factory children in Asia whose fingers are small enough to work intricate and dangerous machines fill this gap.

 

Human Trafficking - Decisions to make - iStockPhoto.com pictureSpending four dollars on a candy bar seems irrational. There are so many great tasting candy bars for 90 cents, why would I spend three more dollars for this Alter Eco specialty chocolate? In the end, they’re both equally bad for me and I won’t remember the difference tomorrow. Plus, I’ll be able to buy a cup of coffee at Starbucks with the leftover change. Being a business major, I began wondering if these “socially conscious” products like Alter Eco chocolate, Threads for Thought clothing, and other specialty made products were all cutting edge ways for people to make money with the front of caring about the sustainability for the world and people. It seemed to me that it was a great marketing scheme, and that these people in the companies focused on promoting a cheaper product for a greater cost to consumers because they put the emphasis on the individuals making them. The government already has regulations, like labor laws, in place so maybe all this hype about building “sustainable communities” is just a fad or another way for small companies to make it against these transnational corporate giants.

To make things clear, I really am all about supporting the local coffee shop or book store instead of always flocking to big corporations; but when Amazon has the same product for less, it has been my impression that I would be a careless buyer to go somewhere else. This is a question that has been introduced to us with globalization. Growing up in a consumerist society, I’ve repeatedly been taught to find the best product with the lowest cost, it’s Business 101. Gobbling up my 90 cent chocolate, I started worrying about how many insects the FDA allowed per candy bar, realizing that maybe that was the downside to cheaper chocolate. My business professors teach that the bottom line is what matters the most, but I have grown up in a family immersed in mission work and advocating global consciousness. I have started wondering what is most important in order to simultaneously be successful and yet not cross my personal ethics. Is there a way to be both? Is money the only way to success? Surely there was a way to balance both sides instead of veering off in just one direction.

With these thoughts mulling through my head and chocolate lingering in my mouth, I walked into the Freedom Summit conference hear about all the forms modern day slavery takes, and how globalization has created prime breeding grounds for the vulnerability of the masses. The speakers included Condoleezza Rice—former Secretary of State and National Security Advisor, Bradley Myles—CEO of Polaris Project, and David Batstone—a Professor of Ethics at USF and founder of Not for Sale Campaign. In the hardest days as Secretary of State under the Bush Administration, Condoleezza turned to the Founding Fathers biographies and came to the conclusion that with every large struggle, “what seemed impossible one day, seemed inevitable the next.” She introduced us to the idea that anti human trafficking is the social justice movement of our century and what is happening behind the backs of the general public is far worse than slavery in the past. There are more slaves today than in any other time in history, and we are all doing our part to help propel it forward.

Much of this shocked me—while not being completely ignorant to the struggles of people globally, I still had the rude awakening that every person is participating in this victimization process, where the marginalized people of society always become the victimized, from sex slavery to forced labor. As middle-class consumers, we want to support our families and ourselves while still having our 401ks and Baskin Robbins family night. The great disappointment to us is not having the fudge sauce on our two scoops because they ran out; but where does the chocolate Baskin Robbins buys come from? Consumerism doesn’t leave much room for humanity. It turns people into self-centered buying machines. Instead of being praised for finding the best deal, maybe we should be praised for being globally aware.

Nathan George, founder of Trade as One, switched from working at a lucrative software company to starting his fair trade company and discussed the business side of slavery. Common sense shows that resellers want the best price, and distributors want to make money, so somebody needs to make up for the gap at the bottom line. I’m not willing to pick cocoa beans or cotton for a dollar a day, so who is? Trafficked boys on the Ivory Coast and factory children in Asia whose fingers are small enough to work intricate and dangerous machines fill this gap. At the other end of the sheltered world, people want more chocolate and twenty t-shirts from Costco, therefore creating a demand for this work. All traffickers need to do is provide children to employers who solely care about money, and the cycle keeps going.

Most human traffickers tend to be ex drug traffickers who have realized that unlike cocaine, people are a resalable commodity. This creates a higher earning power for the trafficker and minimal risks because in developing countries, people cannot search after every child. With a high reward and low risks, it is a perfect business set up; that is, if you just look at numbers. The chocolate didn’t taste as sweet in my mouth as I heard about how I was eating slave-produced products and wearing a shirt made by 10 year old hands.

Realizing that my demand is directly correlated with the amount of their exploitation was not satisfying. Instead of being a savvy shopper by looking for the yellow smiley faces on weekly deals, maybe the valued knowledge actually comes in knowing the product’s supply chain. The advertising for a product tasting the best or being the cheapest shouldn’t trump what is happening on the underside of their business. I don’t see a change coming in my chocolate addiction, but the 30 minutes more of work to buy the slave-free chocolate won’t strain my body as much as theirs. This conference probed me to think about the validity of these brands that I was a skeptic of. One of the careful statements that Nathan George, founder of Trade as One, made during the conference was that we as consumers may be overwhelmed at the prices of actually buying socially responsible items, but the first step is to reduce what we consume in order to balance it out. Do I really need to have a candy bar and Starbucks? Aren’t both of those luxury items anyways? By living responsibly, I’m giving others a higher chance of simply living.

This is easier stated than done. With opportunities for “deals” surrounding us daily, it’s hard to not fall into a pattern that we, as free people, are used to. One of the biggest reminders and strongest points I repeat daily is that I have done nothing to secure the position I have in life of being in a free country, just like these modern day slaves have done nothing to have their entire lives indebted to us because of the harsh demands we put on them with our high consumerist behavior. These socially conscious products contain more than just a new age aura or a better selling point; they represent a desire for the priority of humanity instead of selfish search for profit. The balance that fits in my life is one that requires awareness of what I consume, learning to live on less, and realizing that I can be socially active this the model and with my voting power. What changes can you make in your life to leave room for others?

 

Kate Case, a Global Studies major at La Sierra University, is a campaign strategy intern for California Against Slavery, a non-profit, non-partisan human rights organization working to get an anti-human trafficking initiative on the 2012 ballot for California. Case is the founder of the blog, The Priority of Humanity (http://www.priorityofhumanity.com), which is a compilation of books, documentaries, and other resources related to human trafficking. The blog also has information on current and pending legislation on the issue. This fall, she will be interning with Seventh-day Adventist Public Affairs and Religious Liberty Department in Washington, DC where her duties  will include research and advocacy.

Article18: Uzbekistan — Recent Incidents of Violence Against Christians Alarm Religious Minorities

By Martin Surridge – The former Soviet republic of Uzbekistan occupies a precarious and oft-forgotten spot in Central Asia. Unlike other egregious religious liberty offenders such as Saudi Arabia, China, and North Korea, Uzbekistan is discussed little in the United States and is not well-known for any one thing. Unfortunately, it is often lumped in with its immediate neighbors, the other “stans”–Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan–and the relative global anonymity Uzbekistan receives seems to aid its government as it continues Soviet-era trends of oppressing and abusing religious communities.    

This is Article18–RLTV’s weekly blog specifically dedicated to religious liberty issues in other countries around the world. Each week, we focus on a different nation, and the struggles facing one of its religious communities. Our apologies for last week–no new entry was posted because of server maintenance for the RLTV site. This week our focus is on  Uzbekistan, where several violent incidents of persecution targeting Christians were reported last month.

The U.S. State Department designates Uzbekistan as one of eight “countries of particular concern” in regard to religious liberty violations. Along with Uzbekistan, the short list of CPCs includes the worst of the worst–North Korea, Iran, China, Sudan, Eritrea, Burma, and Saudi Arabia. Additionally, the United States Commission on Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has called for Egypt, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, and Vietnam to be added to that list.

Independent since 1991, Uzbekistan, a majority Sunni-nation, is attempting to quell any potential threat to its totalitarian government by cracking down even harder on dissident groups, including Christians, after the series of uprisings known as the Arab Spring rocked the greater Muslim world earlier this year. Uzbekistan requires religious groups to be registered with the government and for President Karimov’s regime in Tashkent, the spread of any charismatic, foreign religious group is doubly threatening, given that Uzbekistan is both 93% Muslim and has a strong, often menacingly present communist legacy. Of the remaining 7%, the largest religious group are Russian Orthodox, approximately 4%, but their numbers are dropping, as are Uzbekistan’s Jews, who, along with the Orthodox Christians are emigrating by the thousands to safer, greener pastures.

Several recent incidents, violating the religious liberty of Uzbek Christians, caused alarm for many international observers. Worthy News’s Michael Ireland says that “according to the World Evangelical Alliance – Religious Liberty Commission, a Christian woman was beaten into concussion, another woman was fined $1,465 by a court for giving the New Testament to a child, a Christian man was threatened with axe attack by a police official and another man was assaulted by police.”

The status of non-Orthodox Christian groups, such as Baptists and Seventh-day Adventists, in Uzbekistan are often in limbo. The 2010 International Religious Freedom Report reports that “no Baptist church has successfully registered since 1999, and since 2000, four Baptist churches have lost their registered status.” Additionally, “other churches remained unregistered [including] Bethany Baptist Church in the Mirzo-Ulugbek district of Tashkent; the Pentecostal Church in Chirchik; Roman Catholic churches in Navoi and Angren; Emmanuel Church and Mir (Peace) Church of Nukus, Karakalpakstan; Hushkhabar Church in Gulistan; the Pentecostal church in Andijon; and the Adventist church, Greater Grace Christian Church, Central Protestant Church, and Miral Protestant Church, all in Samarkand.”

Interestingly, the report made a point to say that “the Russian Orthodox Church reported no registration problems.”

Sadly, such brutal state control is almost common place in Uzbekistan. In his analysis of the 15 former Soviet republics, Foreign Policy’s Joshua E. Keating not only labelled the country as “not free” but explained that Uzbekistan is “routinely ranked by international NGOs as one of the world’s most brutal dictatorships. Under Karimov’s rule, opposition parties are prosecuted [and] torture of political prisoners is commonplace.” The nation also has an atrocious human rights record, most noticeably in “the 2005 Andijan massacre, during which hundreds of anti-government protesters were killed in the country’s east by government troops.”

Uzbekistan has struggled frequently with Islamic militants, both real and imagined, combating the Islamic Jihad Union as well as demonizing Wahhabi Islam and equating its follower with terrorists.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the 2010 IRFR explains that the Uzbek government, completing its total invasion into a citizen’s private life, “does not prohibit a person from changing his or her religion [and] the private teaching of religious principles and the teaching of religion to minors without parental consent is illegal. Only a religious group with a registered central office may legally provide religious instruction.”

For a nation so infrequently discussed during dinner time, there’s certainly an awful lot of food for thought.

Article18 is a weekly blog written by Martin Surridge, Associate Editor of Religious Liberty TV. Article18 logo and other artwork created by Bradley Kenyon.

*     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *

Don’t forget to check out other recent Article18 entries.

Article18: Mexico — Confirmed Presence of Major Islamic Terrorist Group Near U.S. Border; Former Killer Preaches to Violent Gangsters

Article18: Laos — Four Christian Women Raped and Executed by Laotian Military Along Vietnam Border

Article18: India — Christan Pastor Bludgeoned in Front of His Children; Government Blames “Predatory” Evangelistic Efforts

Article18: Afghanistan — Quran Burning Protest Leaves Dozens Dead; Freed Christian Convert Flees Country

Article18: France — Controversial Veil Ban for Muslim Women Continues to Divide Nation

Speak Now – A Response to the European Sunday Alliance

The proposal of the European Sunday Alliance presents several problems – instead of recognizing liberty of conscience in these issues, it would rely on the majority opinion that Sunday is the appropriate day of rest to shut down Sunday commerce and in the process would ignore and marginalize the rights of those who observe a different day.

I am a huge supporter of a weekly day of rest. I personally observe a weekly day of rest, and, like many others who write for Liberty, have advocated for the rights of those who have been denied rest day accommodation through the legislative and legal process. I have advocated for the Workplace Religious Freedom Act, which would make it harder for employers to force employees to choose between their religious rest day beliefs and their jobs. Employees need to be treated with respect, and given appropriate breaks by their employers.

However, the proposal of the European Sunday Alliance presents several problems – instead of recognizing liberty of conscience in these issues, it would rely on the majority opinion that Sunday is the appropriate day of rest to shut down Sunday commerce and in the process would ignore and marginalize the rights of those who observe a different day.

The language of proposed Sunday rest laws is nothing new, in fact, it was one of the first pieces of legislation passed when the Emperor Constantine converted to Christianity. In March of 321 A.D., Constantine declared, “Let all judges, the people of cities, and thoseemployed in all trades, remain quiet on the Holy Day of Sunday. (Code of Justinian, Book III, Title XII, III. THE JUSTINIAN CODE FROM THE CORPUS JURIS CIVILIS. Translated from the original Latin by Samuel P. Scott. Central Trust Company, Cincinnati, 1932).

Following the passage of the law, the Council of Nicea met in 325 A.D. and decided that Sunday was to be not only the day of rest, but the day of worship, and that Passover was to be observed on Sunday as well. Following that, those who insisted on keeping the seventh day as the day of rest and worship were severely persecuted for both civil and religious reasons.

In more contemporary history, the formation of the European Sunday Alliance last month parallels a similar development that took place in the aftermath of the American Civil War. In 1885, a petition was circulated for the U.S. Congress to use its powers to regulate interstate commerce to ban interstate trains, military parades, and mail service on Sundays except for work “of necessity, and mercy and humanity.” A bill was introduced in 1888 by Congressman Henry Blair, and it was soon endorsed by a wide range of religious organizations and labor unions including the Knights of Labor.

Most of the advocates at the time promoted the secular nature of the uniform day of rest, however for many religious advocates it represented a return to the kind of moral values that would reform a society that had so recently been torn apart. They believed that a return to Sunday Sabbath rest was a Biblical imperative, but publicly argued that it was for the good of society.

From a practical, economic standpoint, a uniform cessation of the wheels of commerce aside from certain health and safety exceptions, was required, otherwise it simply would not work. Since the majority believed that Sunday was already the day of rest, the Blair bill called for Sunday observance. Since the majority had thus defined the moral imperative, those who rested on a different day would simply have to adapt. In fact, those who worshipped on the seventh day of the week because of their religious beliefs could be deemed as acting illegally if they did not also rest on Sunday.

While the national bill did not pass, local variations passed across the nation, and some who worked on Sundays were arrested and even jailed.

In its Founding Statement, the European Sunday Alliance argues that, in the interest of synchronicity, Sunday is the appropriate day of rest for all of Europe, and makes no allowance or acknowledgment of what should be done for those whose faith requires them to rest on a day outside of Sunday. In fact, it is not hard to see how those who rest on a different day might be an annoyance or hindrance to Sunday rest, and even in the debate may be portrayed as roadblocks, troublemakers, or even anti-religious. Businesses who open on Sunday could be fined, and those who conduct their own entrepreneurial endeavors on Sunday could also find themselves operating against the law.

Many people are predicting that the European Sunday Alliance does not have the political power or support to actually implement a Sunday closing law across Europe. This could be true, but today, as in ages past, those who value liberty of conscience cannot afford to sit idly by hoping that it goes away. They need to make their voices heard, both legally and theologically. Legal arguments may become moot as laws can change, so those who wish to defend their beliefs must also be able to provide a theological basis to demonstrate the reason for their religious commitment and be able to demonstrate that it is, for them, a moral imperative, not simply a preference.

While one cannot predict the inevitability persecution resulting from what appears on its face to be a well-intentioned, if misguided proposal to relieve economic and political turmoil through rest, European history shows that stranger things have happened. Now, before it passes, is the time to speak up for those minorities who could be adversely affected if this proposal becomes law across Europe. It is a serious proposal and those who treat it as a mere curiosity may ultimately wish that they would have spoken up earlier.

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This piece also appears with others addressing this issue at the Liberty Magazine Roundtable  at http://www.libertymagazine.org/index.php?id=1760.

Obama’s Olive Branch Doctrine: Religion & the Path of Democratic Reform in the Arab-Muslim World (PART I)

By Gregory W. Hamilton, President

Northwest Religious Liberty Association (NRLA)
March 15, 2011

President Barack Obama came to Cairo in 2009 with the purpose of announcing to the Arab-Muslim world that he was not following his predecessor’s “Democracy Project” as a matter of U.S. Middle East policy. One could call this Obama’s “Olive Branch Doctrine”: the message that interfaith tolerance & unity, rather than the insistence of religious freedom and democracy, would be the foreign policy model pursued by his Administration. In a stroke of illusory foreign policy realism,1 he was communicating to Arab Muslims that it was not the purpose of the United States to convert anyone to its way of thinking, politically or religiously.

In the midst of an astonishing Twitter and Facebook Revolution2 that has unleashed a frantic generational demand for democracy and regime change in many countries of the Middle East, including North Africa, the Arab-Muslim world has become a strategic chess match for ideological and political hegemony between the United States and the Mullah-ruled country of Iran. At stake is President Barack Obama’s overall foreign policy approach involving democratic reform, and the political vehicle being used to successfully propagate it—the Administration’s Internet Freedom Agenda.3

But directly connected to it is his international religious freedom policy; and when tied to his overall approach to foreign policy one discovers an emerging “Obama Doctrine”—what I call “Obama’s Olive Branch Doctrine”—which relies on calculated notions of interfaith understanding and tolerance as the best components toward achieving democratic reform in today’s world, and specifically in the Arab-Muslim world.

Pundits claim that President Obama does not have a specifically enunciated foreign policy “doctrine,” per se, but it seems clear that one is emerging. To understand the religious aspect of Mr. Obama’s nascent, yet struggling, foreign policy, one must first understand it in context of the current political and revolutionary fervor sweeping the Arab world.

The Stakes Are High

Four days after Egypt’s bold revolutionary success, this chivalrous chess match became more vivid when our country’s President sharply contrasted Egypt’s reasonably peaceful revolution with Iran’s violent repression of its own protestors who have been calling for the overthrow of its clerical regime. He said, “I find it ironic that you’ve got the Iranian regime pretending to celebrate what happened in Egypt, when in fact they have acted in direct contrast to what happened in Egypt by gunning down and beating people who were trying to express themselves peacefully.”4 The same day, the Iranian Parliament, from direct pressure by the country’s clerical rulers, called for the immediate execution of all opposition leaders.5 So much for freedom!

Siding with the United States in an effort to keep a strategic check on Iran are the autocratic monarchical rulers of Saudi Arabia and most of the Arab League, which makes up all the Gulf States, North Africa, and the Mediterranean corridor. Iran’s Persian-speaking Shias do not rub shoulders easily with the Sunni Arabs of the southern Mediterranean, whom they regard as their cultural inferiors. For now, Arab unrest appears to be enriching Iran’s power and influence over the chief Sunni proponent, Saudi Arabia.6

Yet Saudi Arabia, while clearly nervous, acts cocksure that it will survive the current unrest. Saudi Arabia’s Interior Minister, Prince Nayef bin Abdel Aziz, boasted recently that “Saudi Arabia is immune to the protests because it is guided by religious law that its citizens will not question.”7 In addition, King Abdullah, upon his return from surgery in the United States, made available $37 billion dollars in assistance for those seeking to buy their first home, and other needs badly wanted by the people, as a gesture that he is willing to make major economic concessions in order to keep the peace and thus ensure the people’s loyalty to his monarchical rule.

But when the dust settles who will the real winner be? Iran? Or the young people of the Middle East, who have the opportunity to at last be free of their autocratic rulers, which is due in large part to the fast-paced technology coming from the West? Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, proclaimed that Islam and Islamic values was the winner in Egypt, proclaiming that an “Islamic Awakening” had occurred. For him it was an Allah-inspired beginning.

The editors of Economist magazine wryly noted that while Iran’s revolution of 1978-79 was Islamic to the core, Egypt’s was not – “or not yet.” This is because Mr. Khamenei believes that “the fall of Mr. Mubarak can only usher in a government less friendly to Israel and less of a ‘servant’ of the United States—a government more after Iran’s own revolutionary heart.” And he may be right, because the potential of “an alliance between revolutionary Iran and Islamist elements in a new Egyptian government” – or Tunisian, Moroccan, Yemeni, Omani, Saudi, Bahraini, Kuwaiti, Libyan, Syrian, Iraqi and Jordanian governments – is not farfetched.8 This is clearly the concern of Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah who—to the chagrin of the Obama administration—recently ordered 1,000 troops into neighboring Bahrain to quell the revolutionary unrest that is mostly led by Shiite Muslims. The King is sending the clear signal that he does not believe Mr. Obama is doing enough to back Bahrain’s royal family, and as David Sanger of The New York Times put it, has “little patience with American messages about embracing what Mr. Obama calls ‘universal values,’ including peaceful protests.”9

Economist summed up the situation pretty well with this sobering description: “Iran already enjoys great influence in Lebanon through its proxy there, Hezbollah, and has warm relations with Hamas (itself an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood) in Israel’s Gaza Strip. If Iran were able to make high-placed friends in Egypt, where Mr. Ahmadinejad is popular for defying the West, Israel’s sense of encirclement by its most formidable adversary would be almost complete.”10 Add to that mix Iranian influence with the predominantly Shiite countries of Bahrain and Yemen, and the potentially cascading unrest of Shiites in Saudi Arabia.

Scenario One

In this chess match, there are two overarching scenarios being bandied about by foreign policy experts. One optimistic scenario is that the widespread revolutionary movement of young protestors to overthrow and replace their countries’ autocratic regimes with freely elected and “friendly” democratic governments, will succeed, and in turn spill over and overtake Iran’s theocratic regime.

Scenario Two

Another scenario is that with Iran’s supreme leader calling the current revolutionary storm an “Islamic Awakening,” this movement will lead to similar theocratically governed regimes all throughout the Middle East, with Sharia law becoming the radical anti-secular constitutional foundation. (In Tunisia, these demands are already being heard in mass protests, where, even though 98 percent of the population is Muslim, the culture is socially liberal and pervaded by Western lifestyles.)11 The strategic purpose outlined in this argument is that the Middle East will eventually be made up of mostly Islamist-ruled countries surrounding Israel on all sides.12

Fareed Zakaria—more of a proponent of the first scenario described above—believes that this second scenario is unlikely because most Sunni and Shia Muslims located outside of Iran (with the exception of Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon) do not want Iran’s thug-like theocratic government. They want, he said, what Turkey has and what Indonesia has – mixing together secular forms of democracy with laws enforcing strong Islamic moral values emanating from Sharia law, which claims to practice religious and ethnic tolerance in compliance with the United Nations Charter on Human Rights. (But do they? See part two of this article.)13

Zakaria’s viewpoint, however salient, is easily offset. For example, the Wall Street Journal reported that at the outset of the revolutionary eruption in Tunisia, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton “blasted Arab governments for stalled political change, warning that extremists were exploiting a lack of democracy to promote radical agendas across the Middle East.” Filling the vacuum, she said, are “extremist elements, terrorist groups and others who would prey off desperation and poverty.” Clinton warned that “the region’s foundations are sinking into the sand.”14

Islamist groups have typically proven to be politically and socially more well organized and in a position to take advantage of democratic processes and changes that result from the peoples’ revolutionary demands. This puts them in a position to fill the void when dictators are overthrown and empowers them to hijack the sincere intentions of the revolutionaries and the revolution itself. How does this happen? As Elliot Abrams, former deputy national security advisor for President George W. Bush explains it, dictators “leave behind a civic culture that has been drastically weakened and moderate parties that are disorganized, impoverished, and without recognizable leaders.” Abrams observes: “For 30 years, President Hosni Mubarak told us to stick with him, or the opposition Muslim Brotherhood would grow stronger. Well, we stuck with him, and the Muslim Brotherhood grew stronger. As he crushed the political center and left, the Brotherhood became the main forum for opposition to his regime.” This, he argues, is what will allow the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to play a powerful role in whatever civilian government is elected once elections are actually held there.15 In addition, Iran is notoriously successful in supplying political and economic resources to its favored Islamist party in order to ensure electoral outcomes that favor their strategic gambit in the Middle East.

Israel is very concerned about this second possible scenario due to the fact that it has recently witnessed the seizing of the reins of government in Lebanon by Hezbollah, Iran’s well-funded and militarily supplied political apostle. This realistic fear of encirclement provoked Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak to state that “even though its quiet and deterrence exists—Hezbollah remembers the heavy beating they suffered from us in 2006—but it is not forever.” We “may have to re-enter Lebanon,” he said.16

For historian and former Newsweek editor Jon Meacham, the stakes are higher when talking about a nuclear Iran, which, he observes, may mean that we are heading down the path toward nuclear “Armageddon.” Meacham argues that nuclear proliferation throughout the Middle East could become more pronounced and globally destabilizing: “The more people with access to nuclear weapons increases the risk that irrationality will enter the equation; which is a polite way of saying that human forces—pride, ambition, fanaticism—will always confound the most elegant of geopolitical calculations.”17 “Armageddon” talk is not uncommon these days. Israel’s Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, believes that “if Iran gets nuclear weapons, the Middle East will look like hell.”18

Scenario Three

Of course, a third and less dire scenario postures that some autocratic rulers, like the Abdullah’s in Saudi Arabia and Jordan, might successfully convince protestors in their country that they will institute democratic and economic reforms, along with increased human rights provisions, and actually follow through. This explains why the Obama Administration has been strongly encouraging Arab rulers to listen to the protestors in their call for democratic reform and to refrain from violence in the attempt to restore order.

The question of who will win is also tied to Mr. Obama’s apparent break with the traditional U.S. policy of propping up autocratic regimes for the sake of preserving international security and the flow of oil in a terrorist charged world. For example, there has been evident tension between Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah and Barack Obama over Obama’s handling of Hosni Mubarak’s standing in Egypt during the Egyptian revolt.19

The United States is definitely in a tough spot. Mr. Obama admonished autocratic leaders, both “friend and foe alike,” to “get out ahead of change” because “the world is changing.” He said that advances in freedom of communication through smart phones, Facebook and Twitter were forcing governments to act with the consent of the people, and that they could not afford to be “behind the curve.”20 Admittedly, however, the swiftness of the current unrest in the Middle East has also caught Mr. Obama off guard; this, even despite Mr. Obama’s foresight in August of 2010 to assign a special commission to study all of the best innovative approaches to democratically reform the Arab-Muslim world.21

But that is not how he began his presidency in 2009.

Cairo & the Emergence of the “Olive Branch Doctrine”

It was in Turkey, and then Cairo, barely five months into the first full year of his presidency, that Mr. Obama confidently launched his foreign policy legacy and his diplomatic push for democratic reform in the Arab-Muslim Middle East, using Turkey and Indonesia as models of democracy – “road maps” that the predominantly Muslim countries of the Middle East, including Egypt, should emulate.22

On June 4, 2009, in a speech before Egypt’s government, military and religious leaders titled “A New Beginning,” Mr. Obama put forward his policy goals affecting this volatile region. In it, he stressed political, civil, and economic freedom: “I have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from people; the freedom to live as you choose.”23 The primary purpose of the speech was to address the matter of religious freedom and tolerance. (As we shall see, he frequently interchanged these terms to meet the Arab-Muslim community half-way.)

Yet, in a bit of historical irony, Mr. Obama came to Cairo in 2009 with the purpose of announcing to the Arab-Muslim world that during his presidency he was not following his predecessor’s “Democracy Project” as a matter of U.S. Middle East policy. One could call this Obama’s “Olive Branch” doctrine. The message was that religious tolerance, rather than the insistence of religious freedom and democracy, would be the foreign policy model pursued by the Obama Administration. By “religious tolerance” was meant that Mr. Obama, in a stroke of supposed foreign policy realism—as opposed to President George W. Bush’s and Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice’s idealism24 —was communicating to Egyptians and all of the Arab-Muslim world that it was not the purpose of the United States to try to convert anyone to its way of thinking, politically or religiously.

Egypt’s President, Hosni Mubarak, praised President Obama’s speech, saying that it demonstrated that Obama understood the complexities that existed between freedom and tolerance in the Arab-Muslim world, and that he was an American president that Arab leaders could trust. He said, “Under the past administration there was a feeling that the Islamic world was a group of terrorists, Islam was hated and Muslims should be watched and that the previous administration was scared of any Muslim.” “But,” he observed, “Obama came and said, ‘We will not fight Muslims and Islam.’” He said that this was because “He is a sympathetic man” who believes that “Islam is a heavenly religion.” Mubarak concluded that Mr. Obama’s attempt to reach out to the Arab-Muslim world placed the United States in a more positive light in the eyes of individual Muslims, and not just with Arab leaders.25 Mubarak’s words were uncannily predictive of something to come, something that included him and the country he governed for nearly 30 years.

On one hand, by reversing course and disavowing President Bush’s idealistic approach of promoting through force, if necessary, the American constitutional ideal of religious freedom and human rights, and the American democratic way of life, the Muslim peoples of the Arab-Muslim Middle East have seen a political opening to take things into their own hands. In a shared cause of resistance to Western leaders who have been perceived – however erroneously – as wanting (since the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq) to supplant Islam and their way of life, the people no longer see the need of continuing to harness their “strong horse” dictators whom Western leaders have propped up for years in the name of regional stability and security.26

On the other hand, by trying to avoid the failed U.S. democratic projects of the past that brought a militant Islamic Hamas and Hezbollah to the borders of Israel, it created a political wedge, forcing the hands of U.S. policymakers to choose between the Arab-Muslim people’s quest for political and religious autonomy to direct their own path, and their autocratic rulers, who have been valued by the U.S. as their most strategic ally against Muslim extremists and terrorists. By communicating caution and patience in the midst of the revolutionary demands of the people,27 this “safe” approach initially caused many of the protesters in Egypt to accuse Mr. Obama and the United States, including European leaders, of hypocrisy. To be sure, the strategic chess game that Mr. Obama is playing is full of unanticipated choices and dicey moves, but this placed Barack Obama and his administration in the untenable position of being perceived as “Johnny-come-lately” champions of the people’s revolution.28 Admittedly, while it was a nearly impossible balancing act not inconsistent with the administrative approaches and experiences of past U.S. presidents, including Ronald Reagan,29 this confusing and unsteady pattern (i.e., “bungling” to his critiques) – whether real or perceived – risks having the Carteresque effect of permanently shaping a key part of Mr. Obama’s presidential legacy and making whatever foreign policy influence remains seem fairly weak in the eyes of his electoral opposition in the U.S., including world leaders and the international community.

Paul Wolfowitz, former U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia, recently observed in an exclusive interview on CNN with Fareed Zakaria that Mr. Obama and his administration must get away from an apologetic, “hand-wringing,” approach to U.S. foreign policy, and in particular his “hands-off” posture of neutrality in the Middle East which was the essence of his “A New Beginning” speech in Cairo in 2009, the foundational framework for Mr. Obama’s foreign policy in the Muslim world. He said that the president should move full tilt toward reviving some version of former President Bush’s “Project Democracy,” and to quit trying to pick winners – Royal Monarchies like Bahrain, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, as opposed to Presidents like in Egypt and Yemen – in a new Middle East. 30 He argued that if Mr. Obama does not do this, the void left in a transformed Arab-Muslim world is one which the Mullah’s of Iran will exploit to their natural electoral advantage. Wolfowitz stressed that “the United States must be there” to compete with Iran’s proven ability to insert itself into the affairs of other countries of the Arab-Muslim Middle East (Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Palestine, and the Shiite majority in Iraq) where they have the potential to reshape it in its own radical image.31 For Wolfowitz, this is also true of Al Qaeda in a potentially chaotic aftermath in Libya unless the United States, with the international community, inserts itself into the equation in both humanitarian and military ways.32

Obama’s Interfaith Vision

President Obama appears to have a foreign policy objective in mind toward advancing democracy and democratic reform throughout the world, and particularly in the Arab-Muslim Middle East, but not exactly in the way that Mr. Wolfowitz had in mind. If there is one move President Obama seems to be counting on, it is the promise he sees in both Indonesia and Turkey as models for bringing both the East and West together, no matter how inferior it is to the American ideal, and it is the basis for the “Obama Doctrine.” It represents a subtle yet distinct shift toward religious “tolerance,” away from the ideal of “freedom” – or somewhere in-between – as the national and international norm.

It is a rather optimistic model that is rarely recognized or understood by pundits, foreign policy scholars, and the media – left, right, and center. It is a grand strategy that quietly sails through the criticism in a steady and self-convinced manner, representing Obama’s clear affinity with the young protestors – not only for their yearning for freedom and democracy, but risking even dumping a century’s worth of U.S. support for Arab dictators, their oil (i.e., think alternative energy), and global stability – to support his and their shared yearning to engineer an interfaith approach to solving the world’s religious and political conflicts. Mr. Obama sees it as the best possible means toward achieving world peace—the one last ray of hope in Mr. Obama’s heart and mind, a hope that matches what an Obama biographer, Stephen Mansfield, described in The Faith of Barack Obama as the “eclectic” multi-faith experience that is Mr. Obama based on his upbringing and personal life’s journey.33

According to Mansfield, the President’s foreign and domestic policy strategies appear irreversibly connected to his pluralistic religious experiences—Catholic, Islamic, Atheistic, and Pentecostal—and his years of doing community and social work. This in turn informs his intellect, his decision-making and communication style, and more specifically his Kumbaya togetherness or collective interfaith approach to foreign policy: the all-too-familiar “let’s just get along” appeal.34 This is evidenced by Mr. Obama’s Cairo speech emphasizing “A New Beginning”:

I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, ‘Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.’ (Applause.) That is what I will try to do today – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.35

Ideally speaking, this interfaith approach that he hopes will appeal to a new and vibrant generation of young people in the Middle East and around the globe, presumes to bring most people of faith together in the quest for shared democratic and economic values (i.e., world peace), with the affect of forming the most vocal and powerful political force the world has ever seen.

According to a CBS News column published by The Washington Post, President Obama is “preparing for the prospect that Islamist governments will take hold in North Africa and the Middle East, acknowledging that the popular revolutions there will bring a more religious cast to the region’s politics.” This includes “distinguishing between various movements in the region that promote Islamic law in government.” One senior administration official stated that “We shouldn’t be afraid of Islam in the politics of these countries. It’s the behavior of political parties and government that we will judge them on, not their relationship with Islam.”36 Harvard Professor Tarek Masoud believes that “if Muslims” in Egypt actually “got into power, if they go into parliament, they’d try to make some laws that conform with their vision of what Islam requires,” but “they would not,” in keeping with Sunni Muslim religious and political tradition, “try to have the clerics be in charge,” which he says is opposite from the Shiite model in Iran.37

But in President Obama’s overarching argument for a “new beginning” with Islam, “is the clear suggestion that Islamic belief and democratic politics are not incompatible.” After disavowing Bush’s democracy promotion in his June 2009 address at Cairo University, President Obama gave sanction to this sentiment when he said that Bush’s approach did not “lessen my commitment to governments that reflect the will of the people,” adding that “each nation gives life to the principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.”38 This demonstrates, to a certain degree, that Obama realizes that the Shiite model of governing in Iran – a cleric controlled government – is not acceptable in a democratic world. In addition, it seems clear that this is Obama’s way of trying an untried approach to bridge the chasm in today’s “Clash of Civilizations” between the Christian West and the Muslim East.

But this approach is alarming to European Union and NATO leaders, as well as Israel, because of the inevitability that “religious law will undercut democratic reforms and other Western values.” Both liberal and conservative foreign policy pragmatists warn that the President’s approach “fails to take into consideration the methodological approach many such [Islamist] parties adopt toward gradually transforming secular nations into Islamic states at odds with U.S. [and European] policy goals.” Again, think Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine.39 That is why Hillary Clinton warned in Geneva, that if Islamist parties seek to participate in the region’s future elections, “Political participation must be open to all people across the spectrum who reject violence, uphold equality and agree to play by the rules of democracy.”40 Playing by the rules of democracy, that is the big test. It is a test that has never been met by any Arab Muslim nation in the Middle East.

Finally, President Obama’s approach is one that will continue to dog him as he bumps up against the ideal of American exceptionalism in his own country. In the end, Obama’s foreign policy approach to the Arab-Muslim world will either end up backfiring against his intended hopes and desires, or as few believe, a wave of interfaith harmony among Sunni and Shiite Muslims will occur in their seeming quest for democracy and western democratic values. This latter scenario is not realistic or likely. Stay tuned for Part Two of this article series titled: “Obama’s Olive Branch Doctrine: Interfaith Tolerance and the Reshaping of U.S. Foreign Policy.”

Gregory W. Hamilton is President of the Northwest Religious Liberty Association (NRLA). NRLA is a non-partisan government relations and legal mediation services program that champions religious freedom and human rights for all people and institutions of faith in the legislative, civic, judicial, academic, interfaith and corporate arenas in the states of Alaska, Idaho, Montana, Oregon and Washington.

Read also: Obama’s Olive Branch Doctrine (PART II): Interfaith Tolerance & the Reshaping of U.S. Foreign Policy

[1] See Mark Landler and Helen Cooper, “Obama Seeks a Course of Pragmatism in the Middle East,” The New York Times, March 10, 2011; and “Obama mulls Islam’s post-revolt role in Mideast,” CBSNEWS/Washingtonpost.com, March 4, 2011.
[2] Ethan Zuckerman, “The First Twitter Revolution?” Foreign Policy (online), January 14, 2011. See also Noureddine Miladi, “Tunisia: A media led revolution?” Aljazeera (online), January 17, 2011, where the author concludes that “new and social media was one of the driving forces that kept the protests alive, giving Tunisians an effective way to coordinate”; and Carrington Malin, “Can we say Twitter revolution now? Can we?” Spot On Public Relations (online), January 16, 2011. Finally, see “Internet Democracy: This house believes that the Internet is not inherently a force for democracy,” in Economist Debates: Internet Democracy: Statements, a discussion between Evgeny Morozov and John Palfrey, and moderated by Mark Johnson, Economist, February 23, 2011.
[3] See Evgeny Morozov, “Freedom.Gov: Why Washington’s Support for Online Democracy is the Worst Thing Ever to Happen to the Internet,” [“Unintended Consequences Department”], Foreign Policy, January/February 2011. This is an amazingly revealing article by Mr. Morozov: “The State Department’s online democratizing efforts have fallen prey to the same problems that plagued Bush’s Freedom Agenda. By aligning themselves with Internet companies and organizations, [Hillary] Clinton’s digital diplomats have convinced their enemies abroad that Internet freedom is another Trojan horse for American imperialism.” How? “Clinton went wrong from the outset by violating the first rule of promoting Internet freedom: Don’t talk about promoting Internet freedom. Her Newseum speech was full of analogies to the Berlin Wall and praise for Twitter revolutions—vocabulary straight out of the Bush handbook. To governments already nervous about a wired citizenry, this sounded less like freedom of the Internet than freedom via the Internet: not just a call for free speech online, but a bid to overthrow them by way of cyberspace.”
[4] Tom Raum, “Obama calls for peaceful response in Middle East,” The Washington Post, February 15, 2011. See also the White House transcript.
[5] Alan Cowell and Neil MacFarquhar, “Iran Calls for Leaders of Opposition to be Prosecuted,” The New York Times, February 15, 2011.
[6] See Michael Slackman, “Arab Unrest Propels Iran as Saudi Influence Declines,” The New York Times, February 23, 2011.
[7] Robert F. Worth, “Unrest Encircles Saudis, Stoking Sense of Unease,” The New York Times, February 19, 2011. So is there any difference in Saudi Arabia’s case, as compared with Iran’s form of government? Yes, but not much. In Saudi Arabia, Imams or Muslim religious leaders do not control the government as they do in Iran; secular princes guided by religious law, Sharia law. With the exception of Iraq, this is the fundamental administrative difference between Shiite and Sunni-Arab Muslims. See Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2007).
[8] A powerful radical cleric in Yemen by the name of Sheik Abdul Majid al-Zindani called for an Islamic state to replace the secular government there. He proclaimed, “An Islamic state is coming.” Mr. al-Zindani is a revered theological advisor and mentor to Osama bin Laden. See Laura Kasinof, “Cleric Urges Islamic Rule in Yemen,” The New York Times, March 1, 2011.
[9] See David E. Sanger and Eric Schmitt, “U.S.-Saudi Tensions Intensify With Mideast Turmoil,” The New York Times, March 15, 2011. See also Michael Slackman and Ethan Bronner, “Saudi Troops Enter Bahrain to Put Down Unrest,” The New York Times, March 15, 2011.
[10] See “Iran’s view of Egypt: Opportunity and envy,” Economist, February 12, 2011: 29.
[11] The aftermath of Tunisia’s revolution remains uncertain and even shaky, with radical Muslims already demanding, through the means of mass protest, certain moral reforms, including the outlawing of brothels, the wearing of bikinis by women on beaches, and the abolishment of all secular forms of government. See Thomas Fuller, “Next Question for Tunisia: the Role of Islam in Politics,” The New York Times, February 21, 2011.
[12] See “Encircled by enemies again?” Economist, February 19, 2011: 49-50.
[13] See the February 24, 2011 TV transcript of John King’s show called “John King, USA” onCNN.
[14] Jay Solomon, “Clinton Rips Arabs for Lack of Reform,” The Wall Street Journal, January 14, 2011: A1, A7.
[15] Elliot Abrams, “Freedom Must Return to the Agenda” Foreign Policy (online), February 4, 2011.
[16] See “Israel ‘may have to re-enter Lebanon,’” The Telegraph, February 16, 2011.
[17] Jon Meacham, “The Stakes? Well, Armageddon, For One,” Newsweek, October 12, 2009.
[18] See “The gathering storm,” Economist, January 9, 2010.
[19] See Robert F. Worth, “Unrest Encircles Saudis, Stoking Sense of Unease,” The New York Times, February 19, 2011. Worth writes: “King Abdullah had at least two phone conversations with President Obama to convey his concerns in the weeks before Mr. Mubarak’s ouster, and the last conversation ended in sharp disagreement, according to officials familiar with the calls.”
[20] Tom Raum, “Obama calls for peaceful response in Middle East,” The Washington Post, February 15, 2011. See also the White House transcript.
[21] See Mark Landler, “Obama Ordered Secret Report on Unrest in Arab World,” The New York Times, February 17, 2011.
[22] It seems that the media is only now catching on to this realization when Mr. Obama’s intentions seemed fairly clear back in 2009 in his first foreign trips to Turkey, and particularly in his “A New Beginning” speech in Cairo. See Landon Thomas, Jr., “In Turkey’s Example, Some See a Road Map for Egypt,” The New York Times, February 6, 2011.
[23] See The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, (speech transcript of) “Remarks by the President on ‘A New Beginning,’” Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt: 4 June 2009, 1:10 p.m. (local). Some prominent liberal journalists are subtley suggesting that Mr. Obama’s Cairo speech may have launched this Arab-Muslim revolution in the Middle East. Roger Cohen, for example, says that Obama is finding himself “ensconced on the right side of history.” Thomas Friedman argues that the very persona of Barack Obama may be fueling the current Arab revolt: “Americans have never fully appreciated what a radical thing we did—in the eyes of the rest of the world—in electing an African-American with the middle name Hussein as president. I’m convinced that listening to Obama’s 2009 Cairo speech—not the words, but the man—were more than a few young Arabs who were saying to themselves: ‘Hmmm, let’s see. He’s young. I’m young. He’s dark-skinned. I’m dark skinned. His middle name is Hussein. My name is Hussein. His grandfather is a Muslim. My grandfather is a Muslim. He is president of the United States. And I’m an unemployed young Arab with no vote and no voice in my future.’ I’d put that in my mix of forces fueling these revolts.” See Roger Cohen, “Oh, What a Lucky Man,” and Thomas L. Friedman, “This Is Just the Start,” in The New York Times, February 28 and March 1, 2011, respectively. There seems to be an element of truth in their claims.
[24] Elliot Abrams, former deputy national security advisor for President George W. Bush, insists that the protests throughout the Middle East proves that the Bush Administration was right with its “Project Freedom” agenda. See Mr. Abrams’ Opinion-Editorial, “Egypt Protests Show George W. Bush Was Right About Freedom in the Arab World,” in The Washington Post, January 29, 2011.
[25] Andy Barr, “Mubarak praises Obama speech in Cairo,” Politico 12 June 2009.
[26] For a rich discussion on the competitive nature of political power in the Middle East, with its mostly Muslim citizens, I highly recommend Lee Smith’s work, The Strong Horse: Power, Politics, and the Clash of Arab Civilizations (New York: Doubleday, 2010).
[27] See Helen Cooper, Mark Landler and David E. Sanger, “In U.S. Signals to Egypt, Obama Straddled a Rift,” The New York Times, February 13, 2011. In the immediate aftermath of Egypt’s successful overthrow of the Mubarak regime, these New York Times’ analysts ran an article chronicling the anger of President Barack Obama for the mixed messages coming from his special envoy to Egypt, Mr. Wisner, and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
[28] See the February 10, 2011 TV transcript of John King’s show called “John King, USA” onCNN, where John King specifically details, chronologically, the Obama Administration’s mixed messages during Egypt’s uprising. See also “The American conundrum: When allies tumble: The Obama administration comes off the fence, but the future looks grim,” Economist, February 5, 2001: 33.
[29] See Fareed Zakaria, “Revolution in Egypt,” opening commentary on his CNN “GPS” TV Show, Sunday, February 13, 2011, defending and describing President Obama’s mixed message dilemma as a “balancing act” in the tradition of Reagan and previous presidents. The example cited by Mr. Zakaria was Reagan’s dealings with Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines.
[30] See Mark Landler and Helene Cooper, “U.S. Trying to Pick Winners in New Mideast,” The New York Times, February 24, 2011.
[31] Paul Wolfowitz interview with Fareed Zakaria, CNN “GPS,” Sunday, February 27, 2011.
[32] Neil MacFarquhar, “Qaddafi’s Downfall Could Bring Chaos to Libya,” The New York Times, February 27, 2011.
[33] Stephen Mansfield, The Faith of Barack Obama (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 2008): xix.
[34] Stephen Mansfield, The Faith of Barack Obama (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 2008).
[35] “Remarks by the President on ‘A New Beginning.’”
[36] CBS News published by washingtonpost.com, “Obama mulls Islam’s post-revolt role in Mideast,” March 4, 2011.
[37] Steve Inskeep, interview with Tarek Masoud, “What is Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood,”National Public Radio (NPR), transcript, February 1, 2011.
[38] CBS News published by washingtonpost.com, “Obama mulls Islam’s post-revolt role in Mideast,” March 4, 2011.
[39] Ibid.
[40] Ibid.

Article18: A New Weekly International Blog by RLTV Associate Editor Martin Surridge

Read the Latest Article18 Blog Posts Here.

This is the first entry for Article18 –RLTV’s first weekly blog specifically dedicated to religious liberty issues in other countries around the world. Each week, we will be focusing on a different nation, and the struggles facing its different religious communities, be they Muslim, Christian, Hindu, or Jewish. Of course, those aren’t the only religions that will be profiled on this blog; time-permitting I plan to dedicate entries to other persecuted religious groups around the world. Sadly, I doubt I will ever run out of material for this blog. If I do, it really will be a marvelous thing.

Firstly a little about myself. My name is Martin Surridge. I’m one of the associate editors for Religious Liberty TV. My family left North London for California when I was 13 years old. Now, a few years later, I am a high school English teacher and freelance writer living and working near Atlanta, Georgia. Most of my writing stints have dried up since I moved away from the Pacific Northwest, and also since I started teaching full-time. So, excuse me if I’m a little rusty. It was during my short time in the Northwest that I graduated with a M.A. in Teaching from Walla Walla University, only about 6 months ago. Two years previously, in the fall of 2008, I received my B.S. in Social Studies from Pacific Union College in Northern California. During my college and university years, I covered world cup soccer for a small weekly newspaper in the Napa Valley, traveled to China, Turkey, Israel, Palestine, and Kenya, and interviewed high-ranking ambassadors and presidential candidates. I also nearly broke my shin trying to jump off an elliptical machine, and dropped out of a screenwriting class during the last week of a semester. As Michael Steele recently said, “It was the best of times, it was the worst of times.”

My goals for Article18 are to raise awareness and point to some of the problems and solutions facing the international community right now with regards to religion and issues of religious liberty. I invite discussion and welcome all comments and I’m looking forward to sharing this new project with you.

Article18‘s next entry and first major profile will look at the secession movement in Southern Sudan–if that is indeed what they end up naming their new nation should it break away this week–and how a divided Sudan might be good news for nation’s millions of Christians and Muslims.

Article18 is a weekly blog written by Martin Surridge, Associate Editor of Religious Liberty TV. Article18 logo and artwork created by Bradley Kenyon.

Read the Latest Article18 Blog Posts Here.

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